ikhet_sekhmet: (Default)
OK, but is the Mesopotamian goddess Išḫara (apparently the name given to Ishtar on her marriage) the same as the Hittite goddess Išḫara? Why, yes:

Išḫara "was the main goddess of Ebla during the third millennium" (Kura was its main god), where she was the personal goddess of some kings. Her worship was more widespread than that of Ishtar; she had temples in the city of Ebla and throughout the kingdom. After the "first destruction" of the kingdom, however, she was replaced as main goddess and royal goddess by Ishtar, who was assimilated with Šauwuška.
 
Aha. "The cult of Išḫara spread from the region of Ebla as far as the Babylonia of the Akkadian period." She appears there in personal names, alongside Išḫara in a love spell, and "plays the role of Ištar" in the Epic of Gilgamesh and in Atrahasis. She had temples at Ur and Nippur, and also became part of pantheons elsewhere in Syria and in eastern Anatolia.
 
Išḫara has an important role in the Hurrian "Epic of Freeing", which describes her as "skillful in speaking, a goddess renowned for (her) wisdom. She "was the tutelary goddess of oath taking... This was the Išḫara the Hittites knew."

ETA: Here's Išḫara at Iconography of Deities and Demons in the Ancient Near East.
__
 
Yener, K. Aslihan and Harry A. Hoffner Jr. Recent developments in Hittite archaeology and history: papers in memory of Hans G. Güterbock. Winona Lake, IN, Eisenbrauns, 2002.

 
ikhet_sekhmet: (ankh-mi-re)
Egyptian hieroglyphs at Mnamon: Ancient writing systems in the Mediterranean: A critical guide to electronic resources

A Very Remote Period Indeed: A blog reviewing recent archaeological publications having to do with Paleolithic archaeology, paleoanthropology, lithic technology, hunter-gatherers and archaeological theory.

Untangling an Accounting Tool and an Ancient Incan Mystery (NYT, 2 January 2016)

Diodorus Siculus describes the Assyrian king Sardanapallus (perhaps Ashurbanipal) as a transvestite / transgender bisexual and blames him for the destruction of the Assyrian Empire - although the Greek historian's account mostly sounds like a pretty ordinary war.

Ancient Egyptian herbal wines (Patrick E. McGovern, PNAS 106(18), 5 May 2009) | Archaeological team prepares 4,000-year-old Hittite meals (Slate, 8 September 2016)

Ancient 'Mad Libs' Papyri Contain Evil Spells of Sex and Subjugation (LiveScience, 20 May 2016)

Scientist debunks nomadic Aboriginal 'myth' (GA, 9 October 2007) | Waking our sleeping Indigenous languages: 'we're in the midst of a resurgence' (GA, 31 August 2016) | Indigenous Australians most ancient civilisation on Earth, DNA study confirms (GA, 21 September 2016) | World-first genome study reveals rich history of Aboriginal Australians (ABC, 22 September 2016) | Indigenous Australians know we're the oldest living culture – it's in our Dreamtime (GA, 22 September 2016)

How human sacrifice helped to enforce social inequality (Aeon, 8 June 2016)

The Exotic Animal Traffickers of Ancient Rome (The Atlantic, 30 March 2016)

Have archeologists found the only female ruler of ancient Canaan? (Jerusalem Post, 2009)

Scientists use 'virtual unwrapping' to read ancient biblical scroll reduced to 'lump of charcoal' (GA, 21 September 2016)

IŠTAR?

Mar. 19th, 2016 06:45 pm
ikhet_sekhmet: (ankh-mi-re)
A chapter on Hittite birth rituals, discussing "binding" in sorcery and mythology:

"Here [Text F in Beckman's catalogue] the goddess IŠTAR speaks to the goddess Malliya, who speaks to the goddess Pirwa, she she in turn to Kamrusepa, who 'yoked her horses and drove to the Great River, whom she conjured by incantation'. Then all that had been bound was loosed, through the ritual agency of Kamrusepa.

This goddess is found frequently in the circle of IŠTAR (ie the Hurrian Shausuga), Malliya (a river goddess), Pirwa and Askasepa, the 'genius' of the Gateway. Pirwa, both god and goddess, honoured by songs in Nesite and Luwian, is described as the god upon a Silver Horse and depicted in the iconography of Kültepe/Kanesh with chariot and team of horses... The logographic writing IŠTAR represented a deity, at once male and female, of War and Love." (All emphases mine.)

What caught my eye here, of course, was the hints of gender ambiguity; but also - look at all those goddesses! The article goes on to describe Kamrusepa's healing a newborn child and calming the anger of "the Hattic god Telepinus".

__
Beckman, Gary M. Hittite birth rituals. Wiesbaden, O. Harrassowitz, 1983.
Pringle, Jackie. "Hittite Birth Rituals". in Averil Cameron and Amélie Kuhrt. Images of Women in Antiquity. Croom Helm, London and Sydney, 1983.
ikhet_sekhmet: (ankh-mi-re)
Idly eyeing an article on Hittite birth rituals, I read that the midwife would give a newborn boy "the goods of a male child", and a newborn girl "the goods of a female child"; similarly, in a Sumerian ritual, the midwife gives a male child a mace and axe and a female child a spindle. The Hittites and the Mesopotamians were neighbours, but Aztec midwives, hugely separated in time and space, did exactly the same thing. I wonder how many cultures throughout history have engaged in this gender enforcement (and how the midwives handled intersex births, of which they must have seen very many).

__
Pringle, Jackie. "Hittite Birth Rituals". in Averail Cameron and Amélie Kuhrt (eds). Images of Women in Antiquity. Croom Helm, London and Sydney, 1983.
ikhet_sekhmet: (ankh-mi-re)
It's been a long time since I made one of my postings about gender in the ancient world. Until now, I've mostly posted about "third genders" which undermine the assumption that "man" and "woman" are universal constants in all times and places. This time I want to share my notes on a practice which calls into question the "natural" nature of gender. In at least three ancient Near Eastern cities, a woman could become a man, or simultaneously a man and a woman - at least for the purposes of inheritance.

Counting descent solely through the male line requires any society to tie itself into knots*, especially when sons are necessary not just to inherit the property of the paterfamilias, but to perform ancestor worship. In the ancient Near East, a daughter could inherit, but then her father's property would go to her husband's household. In the absence of a son, an ancient Near Eastern man would usually appoint his son-in-law, brother, or brother's son as his male heir; or he might adopt a son. However, as Zafrira Ben-Barak points out, a man from another household could be a dangerous place to stash your patrimony. We have the documents from a case in which, through a series of dodgy steps, the son-in-law's brother ended up inheriting everything - taking the original testator's property entirely out of his household, and extinguishing his line to boot.

One solution? If you had a daughter, you could make her into a son. In a will from the Hittite city of Emar, a man's will states: "I have established my daughter Al-ḫati as female and male [MUNUS ù NITAḪ]." and charges her with the worship of the household gods and ancestors. (His brothers were called as witnesses to the will; I wonder what they thought of not being appointed his legal heirs.) He also appoints his wife "father and mother [a-bu ù AMA] of my estate".

In another will, also from Emar, the testator's wife is appointed "mother and father of the house", and his daughter is declared to be "male and female" and again given a son's responsibility of maintaining worship of the family's gods and ancestors.

From the city of Nuzi, in the Hurrian-speaking kingdom of Mitanni, comes a will in which Unap-tae declares: "My daughter Šilwa-turi as a son I made." "Using the accepted term for son-adoption, marutu ["sonship"], the father adopts his daughter as a son," writes Ben-Barak. Another will gives three daughters all the status of sons and leaves the testator's property and gods to them. And finally, in a will from the Syrian city at el-Qitar, the testator adopts the wife of his adopted son as his own son.

Katarzyna Grosz suggests that this custom - which, from the documents, was clearly a well-established practice - paved the way for "full legal independence" for women. What I'd like to find out is whether a woman's legal status as "head of the household" gave her any other rights which were normally exclusively male - or was her new status only relevant when it came to the family?

Ben-Barak's analysis of the term "male and female" is that it doesn't literally mean Šilwa-turi is a legal hermaphrodite; rather, she is "a female with the status of a male". The entire business is a reminder that "man" and "woman" are social categories which can be changed by a bit of clay with marks on it**.

(In one of the wills from Nuzi, the testator says that should his nephews try to make a claim on his estate, "may this tablet break their teeth". I just had to get that in somewhere.)

ETA: Left out a bit. There's a parallel from India, the putrika-putra, a "daughter appointed as a son". Because she was considered a son, her son would not be the heir of her husband, but the son of her father: "As the merits of a son and grandson are equal (eg in offerings made to ancestors)," writes Grosz, "the latter ranked as a son." (A quick Google showed that this is only a glimpse at the complexities of traditional Hindu inheritance law.)

ETA: The Women Designated 'Man and Woman' in Emar and Ekalte - presented by Masamichi Yamada at the 4th REFEMA Workshop, 2014. This mentions two cases in which a sister rather than a daughter was appointed as a man's heir, as well as examples involving a ḫarimtu and a qadištu.


* We're watching the TV series Wolf Hall at the moment. When you're the King of England, the lack of a male heir has world-changing consequences, not to mention getting a lot of people killed. (Do matrilineal societies have the same kind of crazy problems?)

** Come to think of it, I wonder if there's any chance those curses - "may Ishtar impress female parts on your male parts" - have some basis in some real-life events? I have no doubt that the goddess can change anybody's physical sex, but perhaps the ancient civilisations of the Near East were familiar with a change of gender, and might wish the inferior social status of "woman" on their male enemies?

__

Ben-Barak, Zafrira. "The legal status of the daughter as heir in Nuzi and Emar." in Society and economy in the Eastern Mediterranean (c.1500-1000 B.C.): proceedings of the International Symposium held at the University of Haifa from the 25th of April to the 2nd of May 1985 / edited by M. Heltzer and E. Lipinski (eds). Leuven, Uitgeverij Peeters, 1988.

Grosz, Katarzyna. "Daughters adopted as sons at Nuzi and Emar". in Jean-Marie Durand (ed). La Femme dans le Proche-Orient Antique: compte rendu de la XXXIIIe Rencontre assyriologique internationale (Paris, 7-10 juillet 1986) (Rencontre assyriologique internationale 33). Paris, Recherche sur les civilisations, 1987.
ikhet_sekhmet: (Black Amazon)
I'm suffering from sleep deprivation this morning, which may explain my idling brain converting Pink Floyd's Eclipse into the list of mes from Inanna, Lady of Largest Heart:

To touch, to see, to taste, to feel, are yours, Inanna
Love, hate, to distrust, to save, are yours, Inanna

... and so on.

Anyway, the actual reason for this posting is to make some notes on Ishtar of Nineveh and Ishtar of Arbela. As far as I can figure out, around the middle of the previous decade, I started searching databases for terms like "Ishtar" and then photocopying or downloading anything I could get my hands on; the articles cited below must have been amongst those early acquisitions. At the time I really couldn't make head nor tail of them.

The main puzzle addressed by the articles' authors is whether Ishtar of Nineveh was the same goddess as Ishtar of Arbela, or if they were local variants of the same goddess. Comparative evidence is not as helpful as you might think; as Porter points out (p44n16), there are cultures where the local variants of the Blessed Virgin Mary are understood as different saints, not all of them the mother of Christ. (I don't think Ancient Egypt isn't much help either, with its multiple, overlapping Amuns and Isises.) (Beckman discusses the various local Zeuses on p4.)

Happily, grammar comes to the rescue: Assurbanipal's hymn to the Ishtars of Nineveh and Arbela consistently uses the feminine plural to address them, and credits them with different contributions to his kingliness: the former is his birth mother, while the latter "formed him" in the womb; the former granted him "unparalleled kingship" and the latter "long life"; the former suckled him, the latter was his nanny. So for Assurbanipal, at least, these were two different individual deities.

To add to the confusion, there are also other Ishtars, including just plain "Ishtar", referred to by Assurbanipal - including "the rather mystifying Assur-Ishtar, Assur-Ishtar of Arbela and then Ishtar the panther". Offerings lists include further "delimited" Ishtars (Beckman p2n22), and course more cities had their own Ishtars, such as Alalakh. And the whole thing is made more complex by whether and when the Hittites, Hurrians, or Assyrians are in charge (something I'm still pretty confused about, actually, eight years after making the photocopies).

Beckman notes that "she of Nineveh" doesn't seem to have the usual "astral or martial" characteristics, but was a magician and healer, asked to cure disease and lift curses. I guess this brings up the question of whether all these Ishtars were originally local deities who have been assimilated to the dominant goddess of the land. In fact I'm sure I've read a suggestion somewhere that "Ishtar" eventually became synonymous with "tutelary goddess".

Finally, two cool details from Lambert. There are Old Akkadian personal names such as Innin-laba which mean "Ishtar is a lion". He also translates a hymn to Ishtar of Arbela which addresses the goddess as "massive jackal/vulture". Awesome. :)

__
Beckman, Gary. Ištar of Nineveh Reconsidered. Journal of Cuneiform Studies 50 (1998) pp 1-10.
Lambert, W.G. Ištar of Nineveh. Iraq 66 2004, pp 35-39.
Porter, Barbara Nevling. Ishtar of Nineveh and her collaborator, Ishtar of Arbela, in the reign of Assurbanipal. Iraq 66 2004, pp 41-44.
ikhet_sekhmet: (Default)
(Happy New Year peeps. lj is coming up in Japanese. God knows why.)

I seem to have photocopied some pages from this book at random! I'm always on the lookout for goddesses I haven't heard of before, though - here we have "... the Babylonian Nanna in combination with Isis became Namaia" (p 86). I think "Namaia" may be the Mesopotamian goddess Nanaia or Nanaya, also worshipped at Palmyra - although how she would be a combination of Isis with a male Sumerian deity idk; James does not provide a reference.

Other names I hadn't encountered before include two Hittite goddesses: Hannahanna, "the grandmother"; and Shaushka, "the Anatolian counterpart of the Babylonian Ishtar" who "combined belligerent qualities with those of sexuality and love, and had her attendants Ninatta and Kalitta, and other local 'Ishtars' under Anatolian names at Samuha and elsewhere in south-east Anatolia".

Interestingly, James remarks that the ancients' "readiness to identify one deity with another made it possible to evolve some kind of unity out of this jumble of cults" (p 85), and suggests that "pagan thought was moving more and more towards the conception of one universal Magna Mater" (p 86) - sort of the reverse of the idea of an original Neolithic Great Goddess, I suppose.
__
James, E.O. The Ancient Gods: the history and diffusion of religion in the ancient Near East and the eastern Mediterranean. London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1960.
ikhet_sekhmet: (Butterfly hair)
A large number of recorded public lectures given at the California Museum of Ancient Art are available on CD. I hugely enjoyed a 1987 talk by Dr William Fulco titled "The Love Goddess in Western Semitic Tradition" - here are a few notes from that.

As an example of cultural exchange between Hurrian and Vedic culture, Fulco compares the depiction of Kali with a description of a victorious Anat, who wears a necklace of heads and a girdle of hands. (ETA: A comparison also made by Marvin H. Pope.)

Fascinatingly, Fulco suggests that goddesses such as Anat and Athirat may be the active versions of the things their corresponding gods represent; for example, where Baal is the war, Anat is the actual fighting. (I think there's got to be a comparison here with the Hindu idea of Shakti.) He connects the ambiguous sexuality which crops up throughout ANE religion. Later in the talk, discussing the significance of names, he remarks that Anat and other goddesses are sometimes called the "Name of Baal" - that is, "an external manifestation of [Baal's] personality"; "that reality visible and manifested to the outside - that you can interrelate with". Fulco also relates this to the feminine spirit of God in the Bible.

Regarding the question of whether Asherah was the consort of Yahweh, Fulco suggests that she was seen that way in popular rather than "normative" worship (and hence all the condemnations of the practice in the Bible, which "give you a picture of what's actually going on"!)

Regarding the relationship ANE religions and Christianity, Fulco rather wonderfully says: "If I may put it in a faith context, if the Incarnation means anything, it means coming in the language people understand... Near Eastern mythology, mythological language, forms of worship and so on were things people understood, and I think that's what the Incarnation means, it means to use those, change those... I feel quite comfortable with it. It gives me a sense of historical context."

__
Pope, Marvin H. "The Goddesses Anat and Kali," summary, Vol. II, 51, in
Proceedings of the 26th International Congress of Orientalists. New Delhi, 1968.

Profile

ikhet_sekhmet: (Default)
Plaything of Sekhmet

December 2024

S M T W T F S
1234567
891011121314
15161718192021
222324252627 28
293031    

Syndicate

RSS Atom

Style Credit

Expand Cut Tags

No cut tags
Page generated Jul. 15th, 2025 07:59 pm
Powered by Dreamwidth Studios